 | Property Rights and Police Powers ~ Warrantless Entry |
Respondent’s estranged wife gave police permission to search the marital
residence for items of drug use after respondent, who was also present, had
unequivocally refused to give consent. Respondent was indicted for possession of
cocaine, and the trial court denied his motion to suppress the evidence as
products of a warrantless search unauthorized by consent. The Georgia Court of
Appeals reversed. In affirming, the State Supreme Court held that consent given
by one occupant is not valid in the face of the refusal of another physically
present occupant, and distinguished United States v. Matlock, 415
U. S. 164 , which recognized the permissibility of an entry made with the
consent of one co-occupant in the other’s absence.
Held: In the circumstances here at issue, a physically present
co-occupant’s stated refusal to permit entry renders warrantless entry and
search unreasonable and invalid as to him. Pp. 4–19.
I join the dissent of The Chief
Justice, but add these few words in response to Justice Stevens’ concurrence. .... It is not as clear to me as it is to Justice Stevens that, at the time the Fourth Amendment
was adopted, a police officer could enter a married woman’s home over her
objection, and could not enter with only her consent. Nor is it clear to me that
the answers to these questions depended solely on who owned the house. It is
entirely clear, however, that if the matter did depend solely on
property rights, a latter-day alteration of property rights would also produce a
latter-day alteration of the Fourth Amendment outcome—without altering the
Fourth Amendment itself. ...
Scalia, J., dissenting
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
GEORGIA, PETITIONER
v.
SCOTT FITZ RANDOLPH
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME COURT OF
GEORGIA
No. 04–1067.
Argued November 8, 2005
Decided March 22, 2006
Justice Scalia, dissenting.
I join the dissent of The Chief
Justice, but add these few words in response to Justice Stevens’ concurrence.
It is not as clear to me as it is to Justice Stevens that, at the time the Fourth Amendment
was adopted, a police officer could enter a married woman’s home over her
objection, and could not enter with only her consent. Nor is it clear to me that
the answers to these questions depended solely on who owned the house. It is
entirely clear, however, that if the matter did depend solely on
property rights, a latter-day alteration of property rights would also produce a
latter-day alteration of the Fourth Amendment outcome—without altering the
Fourth Amendment itself.
Justice Stevens’ attempted
critique of originalism confuses the original import of the Fourth Amendment
with the background sources of law to which the Amendment, on its original
meaning, referred. From the date of its ratification until well into the 20th
century, violation of the Amendment was tied to common-law trespass. See
Kyllo v. United States, 533 U. S. 27, 31–32 (2001) ; see also California v.
Acevedo, 500 U. S. 565, 581, 583 (1991) (Scalia, J., concurring in judgment). On the basis of that
connection, someone who had power to license the search of a house by a private
party could authorize a police search. See 1 Restatement of Torts §167, and
Comment b (1934); see also Williams v. Howard, 110 S. C.
82, 96 S. E. 251 (1918); Fennemore v. Armstrong, 29 Del. 35, 96 A.
204 (Super. Ct. 1915). The issue of who could give such consent generally
depended, in turn, on “historical and legal refinements” of property law.
United States v. Matlock, 415 U. S. 164 , n. 7 (1974). As
property law developed, individuals who previously could not authorize a search
might become able to do so, and those who once could grant such consent might no
longer have that power. But changes in the law of property to which the Fourth
Amendment referred would not alter the Amendment’s meaning: that anyone capable
of authorizing a search by a private party could consent to a warrantless search
by the police.
There is nothing new or surprising in the proposition that
our unchanging Constitution refers to other bodies of law that might themselves
change. The Fifth Amendment provides, for instance, that “private property”
shall not “be taken for public use, without just compensation”; but it does not
purport to define property rights. We have consistently held that “the existence
of a property interest is determined by reference to ‘existing rules or
understandings that stem from an independent source such as state law.’ ”
Phillips v. Washington Legal Foundation, 524 U. S. 156, 164 (1998) (quoting Board of
Regents of State Colleges v. Roth, 408 U. S. 564, 577 (1972) ). The same is true of the
Fourteenth Amendment Due Process Clause’s protection of “property.” See
Castle Rock v. Gonzales, 545 U. S. ___, ___ (2005). This reference
to changeable law presents no problem for the originalist. No one supposes that
the meaning of the Constitution changes as States expand and contract
property rights. If it is indeed true, therefore, that a wife in 1791 could not
authorize the search of her husband’s house, the fact that current property law
provides otherwise is no more troublesome for the originalist than the well
established fact that a State must compensate its takings of even those property
rights that did not exist at the time of the Founding.
In any event, Justice
Stevens’ panegyric to the equal rights of women under modern
property law does not support his conclusion that “[a]ssuming … both spouses are
competent, neither one is a master possessing the power to override the other’s
constitutional right to deny entry to their castle.” Ante, at 2–3. The
issue at hand is what to do when there is a conflict between two equals.
Now that women have authority to consent, as Justice
Stevens claims men alone once did, it does not follow that the spouse who
refuses consent should be the winner of the contest. Justice Stevens could just as well have followed the same
historical developments to the opposite conclusion: Now that “the male and the
female are equal partners,” ante, at 2, and women can consent to a search
of their property, men can no longer obstruct their wishes. Men and women are no
more “equal” in the majority’s regime, where both sexes can veto each other’s
consent, than on the dissent’s view, where both sexes cannot.
Finally, I must express grave doubt that today’s decision
deserves Justice Stevens’ celebration as part of
the forward march of women’s equality. Given the usual patterns of domestic
violence, how often can police be expected to encounter the situation in which a
man urges them to enter the home while a woman simultaneously demands that they
stay out? The most common practical effect of today’s decision, insofar as the
contest between the sexes is concerned, is to give men the power to stop women
from allowing police into their homes—which is, curiously enough,
precisely the power that Justice Stevens
disapprovingly presumes men had in 1791.
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